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The largest British company in 1907 was Imperial Tobacco, with £15.5 million share capital, appreciably more than Krupp, whose capital was a mere £9 million. The company was established in 1901 through the merger of thirteen tobacco manufacturers in order to resist the American offensive on the British market. The overwhelmingly dominant force in the combination was the firm W. D. & H. O. Wills, of Bristol, which controlled nearly 60 per cent of the company’s capital at its foundation. Wills’s prodigious rise in the late nineteenth century dated from the purchase in 1883 of the exclusive patent of the Bonsack cigarette-making machine, soon to secure them a 55 per cent market share. Big business was also strongly represented in the British textile industry. The wave of horizontal mergers of the last years of the nineteenth century gave birth to a number of huge companies, whether measured by capital or workforce. The largest British employer in 1907 was the Fine Cotton Spinners & Doublers’ Association, with 30,000 workers and £4.5 million share capital; the company was founded in 1898 through the merger of thirty-one cotton-spinning firms, some more than 100 years old, and introduced from the start a centralized control and co-ordination between the constituent firms. The Calico Printers’ Association employed more than 20,000 workers with £5 million share capital; it was founded in 1899, but took a few years before being able to rationalize what was at first a mere federation of family partnerships. The Bleachers’ Association, founded in 1900, had a capital of more than £4.5 million and more than 11,000 employees. The immensely successful firm of J. & P. Coats, thread manufacturers, was the country’s third largest company with £10 million share capital; it employed nearly 13,000 people.

Many analysts do firmly believe that the terrorist threat to the United States is increasing, as is the potential willingness to use WMD. A June 2000 report by the National Commission on terrorism made a strong case that this threat was imminent more than a year before the attack on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon:

If most of the world’s countries are firmer in opposing terrorism, some still support terrorists or use terrorism as an element of state policy. Iran is the clearest case. The Revolutionary Guard Corps and the Ministry of Intelligence and Security carry out terrorist activities and give direction and support to other terrorists. The regimes of Syria, Sudan, and Afghanistan provide funding, refuge, training bases, and weapons to terrorists. Libya continues to provide support to some Palestinian terrorist groups and to harass expatriate dissidents, and North Korea may still provide weapons to terrorists. Cuba provides a safehaven to a number of terrorists. Other states allow terrorist groups to operate on their soil or provide support that, while failing short of state sponsorship, nonetheless gives terrorists important assistance.

The terrorist threat is also changing in ways that make it more dangerous and difficult to counter.

International terrorism once threatened Americans only when they were outside the country. Today international terrorists attack us on our own soil. Just before the millennium, an alert U.S. Customs Service official stopped Ahmad Ressam as he attempted to enter the United States from Canada—apparently to conduct a terrorist attack. This fortuitous arrest should not inspire complacency, however. On an average day, over one million people enter the United States legally and thousands more enter illegally. As the [1993] World Trade Center bombing demonstrated, we cannot rely solely on existing border controls and procedures to keep foreign terrorists out of the United States.

Taking notes during lectures in the classroom is something most students do during their studies. However, studying online requires a different set of skills. If you are reading course materials or information you have found on the Internet and wish to take notes, use your word processor or special note-taking software to record your ideas. If you want to copy a section of text that you are reading, use your mouse to highlight the text and do a copy and paste from the Web page into your word processor.

Finally, lecture materials may contain a number of Web sites and their links. To help manage these multiple pages, it is useful to keep track of them through a process called “bookmarking.” When you wish to do this, select “Bookmarks” and “Add” from the drop down menu (in Netscape). The title of that Web page is recorded as a bookmark and choosing its bookmark name from that same menu can then access the page in the future. (In Internet Explorer bookmarks are called “Favorites”.) If you collect a lot of bookmarks, start grouping them into folders containing Websites with similar information.

Most homework assignments will be sent to your instructor as attachments to email. However, some instructors are beginning to request that you put your homework assignments into a Web page (particularly research papers and design work). Making your completed assignments available to the Web enhances student learning and collaboration. You will have the opportunity to see how other students approached a particular problem or what additional research they did to answer a question. This may prove useful in your next assignment. Chapter 4 addresses how to easily design web pages.

IMC is the process of developing and implementing various forms of persuasive communication programs with customers and prospects over time. The goal of IMC is to influence or directly affect the behaviour of the selected audience. IMC considers all sources of brand or company contacts which a customer or prospect has with the product or service as potential delivery

channels for future messages. Further, IMC makes use of all forms of communication which are relevant to the customer or prospect, and to which they might be receptive. In sum, the IMC process starts with the customer or prospect and then works back to determine and define the forms and methods through which persuasive communications methods should be developed

Prolific author Tom Duncan stated simply that IMC is:

a process for managing the customer relationships that drive brand value. More specifically, it is a cross-functional process for creating and nourishing profitable relationships with customers and other stakeholders by strategically controlling or influencing all messages sent to these groups and encouraging data-driven, purposeful dialogue with them.

Note that this definition is also focused on building dialogues and relationships between brands and customers, stakeholders, or prospects . That dialogue or relationship is built, apparently, on some form of data-base - collected, collated, massaged, manipulated, and updated regularly. Messages depend for their validity and meaning on the extent to which the organization has correctly understood the buyer or prospects position, and created the forms of persuasive communication necessary to inculcate behaviour.

Schultz and Kitchen developed their own definition, repeated here for convenience. It resembles that of Duncan, and indicates the move toward integrated communication at the corporate level, as well as at the individual brand level: IMC is a strategic business process used to plan, develop, execute, and evaluate coordinated, measurable, persuasive brand communication programs over time with consumers, customers, prospects, and other targeted individuals.

Let us first consider news as information; one kind to be sure, but a powerful force for us all socially. The war in the Balkans is far from the first time that the brutal realities of life-the death and atrocities and moral uncertainties of any conflict-have become semiotic as well as visceral. Kosovo recently has been both a deathly fight between the signified (conflicting ideologies, ethnic groupings, beliefs, most importantly weapons and soldiers) and the signifiers of this conflict (the reporters, the academics, the politicians).

Nor is Kosovo the first example of this, in so many senses absurd, battle. Truth has always been the first casualty in war. The classic study of war reporting is not called The First Casualty for nothing. Its practical relevance to Serbs, Bosnians, Albanians, Kosovans, is at best marginal, at worst a moral outrage. However, war in so many arenas causes a polarisation of opinion-and opinion is a key concept here. As we try to understand information, to separate it from judgement, to establish fact, we find ourselves in a free fall: we bring to information, to judgement, to ‘fact’ our opinions and views-which are in part created by the very manifestations of information, news and opinion that we consume. It is cyclical: the Slovenian philosopher and literary theorist Slavoj Zizek calls this the ’stain’. To explain this briefly: our choice of reading or viewing (our choice of ‘gaze’) of one story or item: marks the point in the object [in this case the news story] from which the subject viewing it is already gazed at, i.e. it is the object that is gazing at me…the gaze functions thus as a stain, a spot in the picture disturbing its transparent visibility [in Reithian or old Fleet Street terms its moral reliability and educative import] and introducing an irreducible split in my relation to the picture [or text]: I can never see the picture at the point from which it is gazing at me, i.e. the eye and the gaze are constitutively asymmetrical [we, as consumers, are always at some ironic angle to the “truth” of any news item now, we know why we are watching or reading, as well as that we are watching or reading]. The gaze as object is a stain preventing me from looking at the picture at a safe, “objective” distance, from enframing it as something that is at my grasping view’s disposal.

‘You need to show you’re not a dumb Westerner. They had set up the competition by talking about their boss being such a great drinker. I couldn’t have cared less, but they kept emphasising this, as if they were throwing out a challenge. If you walk into their trap and you do it their way and don’t win, basically you are down-graded in their eyes. If you avoid the challenge altogether, you’ll lose their respect. By working out how they do it, and winning, you get a lot of kudos. They think, “This guy’s got standing. He’s smart”.’

The toasting isn’t the only challenge this executive has to deal with. Another is food.

‘They serve up all kinds of food. I’ve eaten rice sparrows. The sparrows eat the grains of rice at the rice harvest. They puff up and can’t fly. The farmers net them and drop them, as they are—feathers, beak and all—into boiling oil. They come out like black squash balls. You chew the whole lot up. The Shanghai fairy crab is another special dish. First they’ll have the big white worms you dig up from the sand. Then they bring on the crabs. Once in Shanghai I was sitting next to a Chinese lady engineer. She picked up the crab, pulled its feet off and twisted the top shell off the bottom shell and sucked up the meat, roe and everything. They serve tortoise in its shell. They take the lid off and you tear into it with your chopsticks. Snake, duck feet, chicken feet, pig intestines chopped and fried in chilli …’

Schneider and de Wendel, the two leaders in the French heavy industry, were firms of unquestionable European proportions. De Wendel, maîtres de forges since the eighteenth century and the dominant force in Lorraine, were already employing more than 3,000 workers in 1825. Their workforce had increased almost tenfold by 1913; they then allegedly produced 1.25 million tons of pig iron and 1.2 million tons of steel. Since 1871, however, the firm and the family had been divided between France and Germany, the bulk of their productive facilities being in ‘Lorraine occupée’. De Wendel’s arch-rivals, Schneider, started as ironmasters in Le Creusot in 1836 and had become by the early twentieth century a fully integrated and diversified group, especially in heavy engineering and armaments, where they were Krupp’s and Vickers’s chief competitors in the global markets. Two other firms employed more than 10,000 workers before the war: Marine-Homécourt and Châtillon-Commentry & Neuves-Maisons, both the product of a turn-of-the-century merger between a larger firm from the Centre (Forges et Aciéries de la Marine et des Chemins de Fer, Châtillon Commentry) and a smaller firm from Lorraine (Homécourt, Neuves-Maisons). Factor costs had become increasingly disadvantageous for the Centre’s iron and steel industry since the 1870s, and firms responded on the one hand by reorienting their production towards high-quality steels and heavy engineering, and on the other by investing in expanding areas, especially in Lorraine, as well as in Russia. Otherwise, no significant merger took place in French heavy industry. In the country’s two principal regions of iron and steel production (the Lorraine, where rich iron ores were discovered in the early 1880s, and the Nord, which was endowed with coalfields), major firms such as Longwy or Pont-à-Mousson in Lorraine, and Denain-Anzin or Nord-Est in the Nord, did not employ more than 5,000 to 7,000 people before the First World War. Nevertheless, French ironmasters’ business position was solidly entrenched in the Parisian business community. Many companies had their head office in the capital, even though their plants might be far away in the regions.

The United States must learn to defend against uncertainty. There is no way to predict the probable nature of the threat that can be firmly rooted in either an analysis of past patterns of attack, or a clearly identifiable threat from specific countries or foreign and domestic extremists. Furthermore, U.S. planning and analysis often tends to react to an emotive and generic approach to terrorism, and/or generalize from patterns and incidents that simply do not justify such generalizations. There has been only limited, sporadic efforts to develop national net assessments of the threat posed by foreign terrorism and no matching effort to create comprehensive net assessment of domestic threats. The net assessments that have addressed foreign terrorism have generally failed to address higher levels of asymmetric warfare and to provide any net technical assessment of how methods of attack may evolve in the future and what technology can do to improve defense.

Many elements of the U.S. government seem to find it difficult to accept the fact that asymmetric warfare is only illegal or illegitimate in the eyes of those who do not need to use such tactics, or find them to be the most effective form of attack, and the fact that the future threat posed by covert or proxy attacks by state actors may be at least as important, and far more lethal, than the threat posed by foreign and domestic terrorist-extremist groups and individuals.

With the exception of the DOD and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), the U.S. government tends to use a relatively narrow definition of the word “terrorism” based on the currently most probable threats rather than examine the full range of possible asymmetric threats and consider how they may evolve over time. This focus on a narrow definition of “terrorism” has three major negative side effects: First, the threat analysis and characterization is based on the idea that the threat to the U.S. homeland comes only from illegal or illegitimate actors, driven largely by extreme political or ideological motives. Second, it leads federal planners to downplay or ignore the risk that governments may launch covert CBRN attacks against the United States or use proxies to do so, giving “terrorists” an access to far more sophisticated weapons than would otherwise be the case. And finally, it leads many agencies to define threats in terms of attacks that would produce limited to moderate casualties, with ten thousand deaths or less. The term “terrorism” has often been taken to imply attacks by small groups or independent organizations, rather than attacks by well-organized, nonstate actors or asymmetric warfare by states. This problem is compounded by the fact that federal agencies use different definitions of terrorism.